Het Vrije Volk: “Activities of Anti-Bouterse Surinamese Exiles” -format
HET VRIJE VOLK
Rotterdam HET VRIJE VOLK in Dutch 23 Feb 85 p9
[Report of interview with Surinamese Resistance Leader Paul Somohardjo by William Kloppert: “Surinamese Resistance Spread to Rotterdam Cloister”;
in Rotterdam; date of interview not given]
[Text] In the “Makmur” building at the Lange Hilleweg in Rotterdam, the
headquarters of the “farmers’ resistance” against the Bouterse regime led
by the Javanese-Surinamese politician Paul Somohardjo, a lot of shuffleboard is being played.
Refugee couriers, guides, deserters and (primarily) Javanese and Hindustanis
who helped members of Somohardjo’s resistance movement hide—until they had
to flee themselves—try to kill time with this ancient Dutch game, waiting
for the “liberation,” their return. Next Monday Bouterse will have been
in power for 5 years.
Two old living room sets, the shuffleboard, a television set, a ping-pong
table and a billiard table fill the recreation room, at one time the refectory of the St. Franciscus convent. The photograph of the royal family on
the wall really doesn’t make the place more pleasant. “Makmur” resembles
in everything the atmosphere of a half-way house for refugees.
That is also the case on the upper floor, in the fifty small rooms where
nuns used to live and where now the refugees have been housed—for the time
being six families and about 40 single people. Destitute, they fled via
neighboring French Guiana to Rotterdam; the Dutch cold keeps them in bed
for long periods of time.
On the day of our visit to “Makmur”—the eve of the “Reflection on 5 Bouterse
Years”—a Javanese-Surinamese couple is waiting in the hall. They have just
entered the Netherlands independently, they have a little money and they
are looking for a place to stay and for help in obtaining a residence permit.
A few hours later they leave defeated: they have been screened and rejected.
“They weren’t real refugees,” Paul Somohardjo says. “We are not interested
in offering shelter and help in getting a residence permit to just anyone.”
“Makmur” exists primarily for our people, and we only bring them over here
when there is no other alternative, when the danger is really too great over
there. Our goal is to liberate Suriname, and to do that you need people
over there, not here. We determine who comes and who doesn’t come.”
During the discussion with Somohardjo the drapes remain drawn and a radio
continues to blare loud music into the room. Whoever tries to listen in
on the conversation will only catch some bits and pieces. “Naturally,”
Somohardjo smiles, “this is not just a shelter for refugees. We also have
our own security service here, our intelligence service and a logistics service. And the opposition knows that also.”
Somohardjo: “The people here include the military—some of whom are officers—as well as policemen, farmers, and shopkeepers. Naturally some of
them are sharpshooters, and they have to practice. Not here, however, not
in Makmur. We let such a person join a rifle club, and a parachutist joins
a parachutist club. We stay within the limits of the Dutch law.”
Infiltration
The refugees who find shelter in “Makmur” are thoroughly screened because
the danger of infiltration by Bouterse agents is not imaginary. “We are
not too anxious to help people we don’t know,” says Somohardjo. “Treason
is always possible; we are no longer as naive as in the past. At that time
we quickly took in anyone who applied to our movement: nice to have you.
How were we to know—in Suriname we didn’t know about war and resistance,
did we? But we have learned our lesson, also from Moluccans and former
KNIL [pre-1950 Royal Dutch Indian Army] people. Our organization now consists of cells.”
Treason almost cost Salam Paul Somohardjo—leader of the now illegal Penda
Warina party (“left of center,” the “cooperative idea”) who has many followers
primarily among Javanese plantation workers, farmers and trades people—his
life once before. “I was involved in the failed counter coup of Rambocus.
We had almost seized the power, without casualties; not one shot had been
fired yet. But we made the mistake of sending someone to fetch Bouterse,
and that person betrayed the matter.” Somohardjo was tortured and was away
in prison for 9 months. “And then I was fortunate enough to be allowed to
attend the funeral of an uncle of mine. That’s how I escaped the December
murders of 1982.”
Alert
After his escape to the Netherlands, his name, among others, was found on
a “death list” taken during the occupation of the Surinamese Embassy. Last
year an attack took place in Schiedam where, due to a mistake in identity
not Paul but a brother of his was shot down. And just recently—all of the
Netherlands was able to witness it—Paul Somohardjo was struck down by a
Bouterse supporter during a direct television broadcast of the “Karel van
der Graaf show.”
Somohardjo: “Oh well, I put my faith in the Almighty. If my time is up,
so be it. But I do remain alert. I never go anywhere alone. And if I have
to die, then preferably not in the hands of my enemies. I am not afraid,
but I don’t like to see them triumphant. Nothing is as humiliating as being
in the hands of the enemy.”
Go into Hiding
The attack and the television incident are all the more reason for Somohardjo
and his resistance movement to carefully screen those entering “Makmur.”
Therefore most of the refugees in this old cloister have been brought over
to Rotterdam by the “farmers’resistance”—which operates autonomously alongside the Liberation Council—itself. Many are executive members of the Penda
Warina and blindly trust Somohardjo (at one time the big “competitor” of
the Surinamese leader of the Javanese, Soemita).
Somohardjo: “Naturally we prefer to leave our people over there. When we
notice that our couriers or guides are in danger in Suriname, we first try
to let them go into hiding in their own area. If that is too dangerous,
we smuggle them over the border to French Guiana. The border is long, and
naturally we have our own people at the examining posts also; we are infiltrated everywhere. In French Guiana we have agricultural land which our
people can farm. They can remain active for us over there and return to
Suriname right away when the time is ripe. When that will be? You’ll know
when it happens.”
Only members of the resistance who are recognized in French Guiana also and
are in great danger are directed to “Makmur” in Rotterdam by the Penda
Warina. Somohardjo: “The possibility of our people being seized by Bouterse
in Fench Guiana also unfortunately has increased now that he has been allowed
to legally open a consulate in Cayenne. The area is full of people from
his intelligence service.”
Preparation
How big an opportunity does Somohardjo think there is of the resistance
ousting away Bouterse, after all the failed attempts?
Somohardjo: “We do have a realistic chance. We are in close contact with
our people there; that is promising. If you consider that we succeed in
getting couriers into and out of the country every month, that means that
the resistance is alive there. And we still manage to effectively support
that resistance from here, from so far away.
Islam Brothers
Naturally some people are discouraged by earlier failures. Now things are
a little quiet, but we need a longer period of time and better preparation
for a successful attempt to oust Bouterse. Previously we we didn’t have
any experience, but now we are in contact with people who can help us.
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As to logistics, we can count on indirect aid; we are busy lobbying. Our
Islam brothers in the Middle East are offering financial support. And if
even the church now starts to rebel . . .The Netherlands ought to keep up
the suspension of development aid a little longer. We’re doing our best,
but this time we won’t leave it to fate.”
When we ask him to express himself more clearly, Somohardjo smiles. He
doesn’t say exactly what is on his mind, but: “I’m a dangerous enemy for
Bouterse. I can still move a great part of the population there. The
Javanese are still faithful to me.
You know, we were against independence the way it was forced on us. The
Javanese would lose their social security through that. They had always
been exploited on the plantations—which as a matter of fact are now going
to ruin. After independence they would only be able to receive 1 Suriname
guilder per week as of their 70th birthday. /They/ could not pay the KLM
[fares], like the rich who used to fly over to the Netherlands every 2 years
in order to maintain their Dutch citizenship and social security.
Boat
Therefore I wanted to charter a boat at the time to bring the Javanese to
the Netherlands and later bring them back to Suriname. It was not as much
a matter of their Dutch citizenship, but of the social Security, their legal
security which would cease to exist. We felt we were being cheated; the
agreement that contract laborers could return to Indonesia had not materialized either.
The people who wanted to go on the boat, the plantation workers, had deposited
100 Suriname guilders per person. We gave back all that money, \k million
Suriname guilders, when the trip did not materialize. Because of that, those
people have particular faith in us. That’s why I am dangerous for Bouterse,
because I can still move that mass of people. “
Bodies
Supposedly Bouterse expressed his regret about the December murders before
the United Nations commission. Allegedly he was not present when it happened.
Somohardjo, passionately: “A deceased person cannot speak. Of course we
know that they would blame Horb for everything, since he is not alive any
longer. But the people who are able to speak freely know exactly when and
at what time Bouterse was there. One of Horb’s bodyguards was here once;
he personally had poured coffee for Bouterse during those murders. Of course
Bouterse was there.
And the murdering, the disappearance of people, is still continuing now.
Not long ago someone from the Surinamese navy was here. He told üs that
on the ocean once he had had to throw two bodies overboard. I also reported
that to the Organization of American States (OAS); I still have good contacts
with it. Disappearances, tortures, intimidations—-they1 are still happening
in Suriname.”
Sital
Is it really so difficult to get rid of Bouterse?
Somohardjo: “That is not the problem. We know exactly where Bouterse is
at any time of the day, at what time he shaves, where his toothbrush is
located, at what time he goes to see his girlfriend, everything. But it
would not be of benefit to Suriname if only Bouterse were to leave. Bouterse
isn’t really the main problem—I’m not afraid of him; he sways with the prevailing winds. I would be more afraid of Sital, who is biding his time.
It would be good for the resistance to come from within, therefore infiltration is a good strategy for us. And Bouterse may indeed be sending people
to Brazil for military training, but our people go along and will also know
how to manipulate those new weapons. But we prefer not to cause amy damage.
For the time being we are quite content With the development of our year
of resistance thus far. Bouterse must take us into account, just as we must
take him into account.”
BVD [Internal Security Service]
Doesn’t Somohardjo fear an attack of Bouterse sympathizers on “Makmur”?
Somohardjo: “We have Dutch legal protection here; we have good contacts
with the police and the BVD. Moreover, our building is insured against
vandalism at a replacement value of 4 million guilders. They would be doing
us a favor, one might almost say. But we have never had any problems yet,
and we don’t want them. I haven’t heard one complaint from the neighbors
so far.”
Rich Nuns
In the Surinamese world there are many rumors about the financing of “Makmur.”
One doesn’t believe that the bank put up a guarantee so easily for the purchase amount of 365,000.— Dutch guilders, or that the fixed charges can
be met. It is believed that money was made on the boat trip to the Netherlands of the Javanese.
Somohardjo: I can easily refute that. That money of the plantation workers
was reimbursed to the last penny; I already mentioned that. Do you think
they would still be supporting us otherwise?
We simply were very lucky with this cloister. The city wanted to buy it,
but it was too slow. Then we jumped in and were fortunate that the nuns
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were part of a rich order and wanted to help us, refugees, for humanitarian
reasons. The market value of the property was 1 million guilders; we were
able to get it for 365,000.— guilders.
And naturally the bank was not stupid; if we should no longer be able to
pay the mortgage and interest, they would immediately own the property.
That vandalism insurance for the replacement value was a different condition,
of course. Moreover, we were able to convince them that we would get money
in through our shops.”
Sheikh
“We were simply lucky, and we still are. At this moment the value of the
building has doubled already. A sheikh in Denmark wants to buy it for
900,000 guilders. Oh, all those stories that are going around—they’re
simply jealous that we, without a subsidy but by working day and night,
were able to manage this.”
The shops which supposedly sell products supplied by resistance people in
exile in French Guiana meanwhile have been given up. “Makmur” does, however
has its own garage and taylor’s shop.
Somohardjo: “The number of products our people in Guiana were able to supply
was too small and importing them became too expensive. Also, you didn’t
have much control over those shops, and many people were needed to run them.
Possibly we’ll try again later on.”
Security Deposit
Rumors that refugees were paying a lot of money to obtain shelter in “Makmur”
are also without any foundation according to Somohardjo. “We indeed ask
a security deposit from people of whom we are not completely sure because
we have to be responsible for their actions and also have to be responsible
in the event they are deported. But as soon as they have their permanent
residence permit they get that money back.
“Well, when you do something better than others who have been here for a
long time already, you always get those types of stories. Our people here
pay 200 guilders rent per month» That means 10,000 guilders and with that
we take care of our fixed charges.
Transmitter
In addition, we receive donations; they go in a special pot. Yes, the liberation pot. The resistance work—the sending of couriers, the establishing
of contacts, for example with anti-Castro Cubans whose transmitter we may
possibly be allowed to use also—that costs a lot of money. We also bought
three houses at auction for the families who now live in Makmur, for they
cannot stay on here.”
Somohardjo: “Oh, people who think that “Makmur” is a milch cow or a goldmine, who think that we exploit refugees, simply don’t know what they’re
talking about. We have only one goal: to liberate our country and return
there.”
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