Elseviers: “Military Losing Control of the People”
Military Government Seen Losing Control
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[COUNTRY SECTION SURINAME
Amsterdam ELSEVIERS MAGAZINE in Dutch 6 Nov 82 p47
[Article by W. Wolf: “Military Losing Control of the People”]
[Text] Widespread strikes, hoarding citizens and fearful merchants who barricade their windows have put the military government to a severe test for the umpteenth time.
After the demonstration by 15,000 Surinamers in Paramaribo and the demand of the trade unions that the military return to their barracks and call an election, it is clear that the military has lost control of the people.
A social conflict, the strike by traffic police, has grown into a massive political protest. The crisis in Suriname comes as no surprise.
After the coup of 25 February 1980, the result of a trade union conflict, the people of Suriname had hoped that it would mark a definite break as well with a number of stubborn traditions: privileges favoring the governing elite and the ignoring of the interest of the broad social substrate of the people.
The military were given the benefit of the doubt, encouraged by commander Bouterse’s serious approach at the outset. His willingness to involve all social groups in the political and economical development of the country inspired confidence.
It was disappointing to the Suriname people that nothing came of all these beautiful promises. The administration in Paramaribo let it be known that anyone who would not keep in step with the military could clear out. That’s why 35 ministers and 2 presidents had to retire within 2 years.
Convinced of their power} based on the weapons in their hands, the military were not afraid to take action arbitrarily and silence the opposition through intimidation.
In the meantime, the military insured that they gained from it financially and that their supporters from the radical left wing filled strategic posts in the government.
The democratization process of which they talked originally was continually and with great ingenuity placed on the shelf. The power over the country was concentrated in a governing body of three military people and two ministers, in the course of which it soon became clear that the civilian ministers did not have much influence.
To their great dismay, the people discovered that as the power of the military government increased the country slipped down into bankruptcy.
The discord manifested itself 5 months ago with the revolt of the rice farmers. Their protest was roughly suppressed. The military had already indicated that they would accept no opposition whatsoever.
Following the 69 failed coup in March, one of the resistance leaders, Sgt Wilfried Hawker, was executed without due process. This stirred a lot of bad blood.
Lawyers, physicians, the Committee of Christian Churches and a large number of additional groups strongly condemned the summary execution of Hawker.
After this black period in post-revolution Suriname, the people also learned to^ their great distress that the economy was in a sad state. Primary necessities rose in price, fiscal thumbscrews were tightened, wages were frozen.
Suriname painfully experienced the international economic recession. The country cannot market its most important export products, beauxite and rice. Nevertheless, everyone lives beyond his means.
The lack of..private industry is why 65 cents out of each guilder brought into circulation goes to a foreign country.
The cool relations with the Netherlands resulted in the stagnation of developmental aid from The Hague, constituting an enormous blow to the Suriname economy. Approximately one-third of the Suriname budget is covered by funds from the Netherlands.
For the Surinamers, it became ever harder to swallow that the army command looked abroad for contacts with non-committed countries. One wondered what economic benefits was served by friendship and trade agreements with countries such as Zaire, North Korea, Cuba and Mozambique.
This, while relations with rich countries such as the United States and the Netherlands were placed on a back burner.
The growing unrest and dissatisfaction did not escape the notice of the army command. Prime Minister Neyhorst was considered the scapegoat, since he was the great advocate of drastic economizing.
Consequently, the military authority started to look for a substitute. Ex-president Chin A. Sen, now residing in Pittsburgh, in America, came to mind.
A quick visit by regimental commander Horb to the deposed president was unsuccessful. Chin A. Sen heartily declined the invitation to take on the leadership of the country.
A severe blow to the military, particularly since they had hoped to soothe the grumbling Surinamers with the return of Chin A. Sen, who is still very popular with the people.
The grimness with which the Suriname people express their dissatisfaction means a serious loss in prestige to the military. They could have expected this protest.
The Suriname people, brought up in a tradition of freedom and bliss, are not readily inclined to accept the constraint of an authoritative system. Especially not from a regime that came to power by undemocratic means and continuously shows that it does not intend to share this power with the people.
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